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REGIONAL
WAR LOOMING IN 2007
January
2007
The Middle East remained poised on a knife’s
edge during January as American and European
officials stepped up efforts to jump start
the moribund Road Map peace process. This
came as Israeli army leaders released an
official assessment that a major regional
conflict may erupt during 2007 involving
Israel, Lebanon, Syria, the Palestinians
and Iran.
Meanwhile violence escalated during the
month between rival Palestinian factions
amid renewed attempts to form a national
unity government to help prevent a full
blown civil war. Neighboring Lebanon crept
ever closer to widespread civil conflict
as the radical Shiite Hizbullah militia,
backed by Syria and Iran, stepped up efforts
to overthrow the duly elected Sunni-led
government, which triggered intense street
clashes in Beirut.
Israeli newspapers published details on
January 12 of an official army assessment
warning that a major regional conflict is
likely to erupt later this year.The
annual military strategic assessment noted
what was understatedly termed “a decline
in regional stability in the Middle East,
giving rise to the possibility of hostilities
involving Lebanon, Syria, the Palestinian
Authority and Iran.” The army said its dire
assessment took into account the “lessons
learned” during the inconclusive 2006 summer
war with Hizbullah militia forces operating
out of Lebanon.
Israeli military analysts said the main
reason for growing regional instability
is stepped up Iranian meddling throughout
the Middle East. They noted that the oil-flushed
theocratic Muslim regime in Tehran is pumping
copious amounts of financial aid and weapons
to its Syrian, Lebanese Hizbullah and Palestinian
Hamas and Islamic Jihad allies, along with
material aid going to Iranian-backed Shiite
militias operating next door in violence-torn
Iraq. Coming against the ominous backdrop
of Iran’s escalating nuclear uranium enrichment
program, the mullah’s meddling is succeeding
in destabilizing the entire region, adding
to growing prospects that major portions
of the tense Middle East will erupt into
full-scale warfare during 2007.
ISRAEL
TAKES THE FIRST SHOT?
The
IDF annual strategic assessment did not
mention the prospect that Israel might essentially
take the first shot in the apparently brewing
conflict, aimed at thwarting Iran’s jihad-fueled
vow to destroy the world’s only Jewish-ruled
state in the coming days. Iran’s President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad repeated his often-voiced
pledge during January to wipe Israel off
of the regional map, stating again that
it will happen suddenly and soon.
The Shiite leader’s shrill threats were
voiced as some Iranian media outlets reported
that Ahmadinejad had recently told his closest
supporters that he expects the so-called
“missing Madhi”—a long revered Shiite religious
leader who supposedly disappeared down a
well in the Middle Ages—to reemerge on the
world stage sometime before the annual spring
equinox occurs on March 21. The reports
were received with considerable trepidation
in Jerusalem, since Israeli officials understand
that the Madhi is expected to surface amid
massive worldwide turmoil, such as an Iranian
nuclear strike on tiny Israel, or even a
preemptive American or Israeli strike on
Iran’s nuclear outposts, would undoubtedly
spark off.
Adding
to the prospect of a full-blown regional
conflict later this year, Israeli security
officials said that the global Al Qaida
movement, operating from its notorious Iraqi
branch, has succeeded in organizing new
terror cells based in Sunni Palestinian
neighborhoods located in southern Lebanon,
as they had earlier done in Judea, Samaria
and the Gaza Strip.
Brigadier
General Amos Yadin told the Knesset Foreign
Affairs and Defense Committee on January
9 that up to 100 Al Qaida agents had traveled
to Lebanon from Pakistan and Iraq with the
intention of organizing local attacks against
United Nations and Lebanese Army forces
operating in southern Lebanon in the wake
of last year’s war. He said the anticipated
attacks would be designed to repeat the
massive terrorist atrocities that drove
American, French and Italian peacekeeping
forces from Lebanon in 1983, leaving the
war torn country open to indirect Iranian
control via its Syrian and Hizbullah surrogates.
TURMOIL
AT THE TOP
Israeli
governmental and military leaders were caught
entirely off guard when besieged Armed Forces
Chief of Staff Dan Halutz suddenly resigned
as overall military commander on January
16. His move came in reaction to increasing
calls from many quarters for him to be quickly
replaced in the wake of the widely perceived
IDF failure to defeat Hizbullah forces during
the 34 day war that ended last August 14.
The first chief of staff to rise to the
top from the ranks of Israel’s world renowned
air force, Halutz said he could no longer
adequately command the armed forces, given
that confidence in his abilities had sunk
to such a low level. The resignation prompted
renewed calls from many politicians and
media pundits for embattled Prime Minister
Ehud Olmert and Defense Minister Amir Peretz
to follow suit and resign from their high
governmental positions.
Dan
Halutz quit his senior command post in anticipation
of a special commission report that is expected
to lambaste his performance both before
and during the war. The report, to be issued
in early March by the Olmert-appointed Winograd
Committee, is expected to severely rebuke
Halutz for relying too heavily on air power
in the summer war at the expense of Israel’s
substantial ground forces. Military analysts
say over reliance on air force bombings
led to relatively high Lebanese civilian
casualties during the conflict, which in
turn gave the extremist Hizbullah militia
a strong propaganda advantage, especially
in the Muslim world, but also with Lebanon’s
large Sunni and Maronite Catholic sectors
who are normally wary of the Iranian-funded
militia.
After
an initial split between Olmert and Peretz
as to who should replace Halutz, a compromise
candidate was put forth. The new chief of
staff, Reserve Major General Gabi Ashkenazi,
was actually a leading candidate to replace
Moshe Ya’alon when he was sacked in June
2005 by Ariel Sharon after expressing strong
reservations over the then-pending unilateral
Gaza withdrawal plan. In a meeting with
Peretz, the Premier was quoted as telling
him that “after holding consultations with
15 senior military commanders, I found broad
support for Ashkenazi, and was given a complete
picture why he is the right candidate capable
of leading and continuing the process of
learning the lessons of the war, which Halutz
initiated.”
The
departing armed forces chief reportedly
bristled at Olmert’s suggestion that it
was he who had launched the controversial
conflict with Hizbullah forces, instead
of senior cabinet ministers who are legally
responsible for making such fateful decisions.
Political commentators generally echoed
this critique, saying that the increasingly
unpopular Prime Minister will not succeed
in evading his ultimate responsibility for
the war’s conduct by blaming mistakes on
his chief military subordinate.
NETANYAHU
COMES BACK
Olmert
and Peretz agreed to Ashkenazi’s appointment
as fresh opinion polls suggested that both
men have reached a new nadir of support
from the Israeli public. A survey published
in the Haaretz newspaper mid-month showed
that only 14% of Israeli voters now approve
of the job Olmert is doing as Premier, compared
to around 25% in earlier surveys. Amir Peretz,
who is generally expected to be replaced
as Labour party leader when an internal
party primary is held in May, was endorsed
by a mere 10% of the voting public, down
from around 15% in the war’s immediate wake.
Opinion
polls also revealed that the ruling Kadima
political party—formed amid great fanfare
by Ariel Sharon in late 2005 and widely
anticipated at the time to become the new
centrist force in Israeli politics for many
years to come—would reverse its fortunes
from last March if elections were held today.
Instead of capturing the 28 seats it secured
in 2006, the party would garner just 11
or 12 Knesset mandates, said several surveys.
The main opposition Likud party, from which
most Kadima politicians fled, would return
as the country’s main political force, capturing
around 29 seats. This would give its leader,
Binyamin Netanyahu, the main shot at forming
a new government.
In light of the army’s official assessment
that a major regional conflict is brewing
with some of Israel’s deadliest enemies
this year, and with the resignation of Dan
Halutz increasing pressure on both Peretz
and Olmert to give up their national leadership
jobs as well, some Israeli political analysts
predicted that the embattled Premier will
attempt to draft Netanyahu into an emergency
national unity government in the coming
months, as has occurred when previous Mideast
wars loomed on the horizon. Some opined
that the Likud leader will be named Defense
Minister in place of Peretz, with his Labour
party possibly being compensated by receiving
the highly prized Foreign Ministry.
Ehud
Olmert actually made some back channel approaches
to his Likud nemesis to join a broad government
last July. However the former Israeli prime
minister said at the time that he preferred
to remain as opposition leader in the Knesset
while defending the Israeli government’s
controversial war effort on the international
media stage. In the end, Netanyahu earned
many kudos and fresh respect from Israeli
voters as a result of his tireless efforts,
despite frequent harsh attacks upon his
personal character from Kadima and other
parties during the election campaign last
March.
Adding
to the sense of crisis inside top Israeli
government circles, Attorney General Menachem
Mazuz announced in late January that he
will indict President Moshe Katsav on charges
of rape and sexual harassment in cases brought
up by several females who previously worked
in his presidential entourage. Katsav angrily
denounced the action, blaming his troubles
on saturation media coverage of the women’s
charges, while again insisting he is not
guilty of committing any sexual crimes.
The decision to indict renewed calls from
many quarters for Katsav to immediately
step down from his prominent post, but the
country’s first Sephardic President refused
to budge. However it was subsequently announced
that Knesset Speaker Dalia Itzik would be
appointed Acting President while the indictment
is being processed—the first female to ever
assume the largely ceremonial position,
even if temporarily.
RICE
RETURNS
Another
female featured prominently in the Israeli
press during January; this time a diplomat
from the United States. Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice returned to the region
mid-month, ostensively to try and jumpstart
the frozen Israeli-Palestinian peace process.
After meeting in Jerusalem with PM Olmert
and other senior Israeli officials, and
then with Palestinian Authority (PA) leader
Mahmoud Abbas in nearby Ramallah, Rice told
a press conference that she had mainly come
to listen to the two sides, not to bring
new American peace plans or proposals to
resolve the decades-old conflict.
Dr.
Rice’s fact-finding tour seemed just fine
with Israeli officials—busy scrambling to
prepare for the prospect of conflict this
year with Syria, Hizbullah and Iran, along
with the Palestinians, and also preoccupied
with internal political instability. However
Palestinian leaders publicly called for
more aggressive American intervention to
unthaw the frozen peace process, with former
Oslo negotiator Saeb Erekat telling reporters
that Abbas had asked Rice “to push ahead
with final negotiations in back channels,
in open channels, in secret channels, any
way it can be achieved.”
Israeli
officials responded to the Palestinian calls
with serious skepticism, noting that Abbas
and company are hardly any more ready than
besieged Israeli leaders for intensive negotiations
at present, given the deep divisions inside
the Palestinian government between Abbas
and his PLO Fatah party and the radical
Islamic Hamas movement that took over most
PA positions after wining Palestinian legislative
elections early last year. They said negotiations
held under such conditions are almost destined
to fail, adding more fuel to burgeoning
regional jihad fires. Still, Rice announced
plans to return to the region in February
to try again to jumpstart the “land for
peace” process.
IRAN
IS THE TOPIC
Some
Israeli analysts speculated that the real
reason for Rice’s Middle East visit—her
third since October—was not the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict at all, but Iran and Iraq. They
noted that she was also holding consultations
with most of America’s closest Arab allies,
including Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia,
in what many suspected was an attempt to
drum up support for a possible US strike
on Iran’s escalating nuclear uranium enrichment
program in the coming months. This contention
seemed to be buttressed by the announcement
that a second US aircraft carrier and accompany
ships was on its way to the Persian Gulf,
while over 20,000 additional American soldiers
were being dispatched into mainly Shiite
areas of Baghdad that might be expected
to further erupt in violence in reaction
to any US military action against neighboring
Iran.
The
beefing up of American forces in the region
came as the Bush White House announced that
orders had been given to kill or capture
Iranian Revolutionary Guard agents illegally
operating in Iraq. After the order was denounced
by Senate Majority leader Harry Reid and
others as a probable prelude to a US attack
on Iran, the President defended his order:
“It makes sense that if somebody’s trying
to harm our troops, or stop us achieving
our goal, or killing innocent civilians
in Iraq, that we will stop them,” he said
on January 26. Senator Reid, from Nevada,
replied that he and his newly empowered
majority party would demand that the President
“get congressional approval for any program
that could escalate the conflict with Iran.”
President
Bush insisted that American ground forces
would not be allowed to pursue suspects
into Iran itself. While declaring again
that he would not allow the extremist Shiite
mullahs that rule Iran to acquire nuclear
weapons, he stated his continuing commitment
to a diplomatic solution to the ongoing
nuclear dispute. Noting that the hard-line
regime in Tehran has shown absolutely no
signs of giving up its openly stated ambition
to carry on with its nuclear program despite
United Nations economic sanctions imposed
in December, Israeli Middle East analysts
generally say that the time for diplomacy
is rapidly coming to an end.
SYRIA
HOSTS TALKS
The
Baathist regime ruling in Damascus played
host to unsuccessful negotiations in January
to try to end growing bloodshed between
Hamas and PLO gunmen in the PA zones of
control. A scheduled meeting between Mahmoud
Abbas and overall Hamas leader Khalid Mashaal,
who is based in the Syrian capital, was
cancelled when the meeting agenda could
not be agreed upon by the two sides. Abbas
again threatened to hold new Palestinian
legislative elections in the coming months
if Hamas does not agree to form a national
unity government with Fatah politicians.
But Mashaal made clear that his Sunni fundamentalist
movement has no intention of heeding PLO
calls to abandon its founding charter call
for Israel’s total destruction, along with
demands for a complete end to the international
peace process.
The
failed negotiations in Damascus came as
Palestinian militants fired more Kassams
into Israel during the month, bringing to
more than 100 rockets that have fallen since
Abbas agreed to enforce a ceasefire in late
November. Repeated attempts were made to
strike Israel’s sprawling electric power
plant just south of the coastal city of
Ashkelon, which experts warn could spark
off massive explosions in nearby giant oil
tanks that fuel the plant.
The continuing rocket assaults prompted
the Olmert government to approve a plan
to fortify all Israeli homes and other buildings
located within seven kilometers of the Gaza
Strip. The so-called “Gaza Envelope” plan,
formulated inside the Prime Minister’s office,
will cost up to 900 million shekels (around
US $200 million) to complete, say government
officials. The first buildings to be reinforced
will be schools and other educational institutions.
However during a meeting with municipal
officials serving in areas covered under
the plan, Olmert warned that “nothing can
insure a total halt to the firing of Kassam
rockets into your communities.” The statement
came despite ongoing military attempts to
put together an anti-rocket defense system
in the area, which is expected to be presented
for government approval in the near future.
The
Haaretz newspaper broke the news in mid-January
that US-backed secret talks were held beginning
in September 2004 between Syrian and Israeli
representatives in an attempt to restart
peace negotiations between the two adversaries.
American-sponsored negotiations were broken
off in early 2000 after the late Syrian
dictator Hafez Assad demanded control over
the northeastern shores of the Sea of Galilee,
which was rejected as absurd by the government
of Ehud Barak.
The
informal exploratory talks, involving Israeli
Foreign Ministry Director General Alon Liel
and Syrian-American businessman Ibrahim
Suleiman, were mediated by Switzerland;
with the final round held during last year’s
Israeli-Hizbullah conflict. Preliminary
understandings were reportedly reached regarding
a full Israeli withdrawal from the contested
Golan Heights and the establishment of a
demilitarized buffer zone between the two
countries. However PM Olmert reportedly
nixed the potential accord after Syria began
to rearm Hizbullah forces following last
summer’s conflict.
With
fresh war clouds gathering in the region
despite further talk of peace, it is more
essential than ever to remember that the
Prince of Peace holds the entire world in
His mighty hands! It is the Lord himself
who will comfort Zion, who will “comfort
all of her waste places, and her wilderness
He will make like Eden, and her desert like
the garden of the Lord.” (Isaiah 51:3).
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